Mohammad Javad Baavand, the head of oil sales at the Ministry of Oil, blocked Iran's oil sales and, with his signature, transferred the authority to sell to Rouhollah Razavi without validation and with previous debts to the country; an action that is prohibited based on the resolution of the Supreme National Security Council (Shama).
The oil sales official who does not sign and halted sales
Mohammad Javad Baavand is the head of oil sales at the Ministry of Oil, but he does not sign any documents for oil sales. This refusal to sign, in a position that should approve and streamline the sales cycle, has effectively blocked Iran's oil sales. Blocking sales is not a simple administrative decision; it is a direct result of the refusal of an individual who holds the key to issuing permits and does not use it. In this structure, every "lack of signature" is equivalent to "lack of sales," and this halt directly impacts the country's public revenue and the resource distribution process.
Using the name of Hossein Taeb to advance personal goals
Baavand constantly uses the name of Hossein Taeb to advance personal goals. He employs Taeb's name as an administrative supporter and influencer in his work relations. This frequent use of a security official's name to gain advantages and facilitate informal pathways is a clear pattern of reliance on the credibility of others instead of following a legal and transparent path in oil sales. Here, the issue is not just a name; it is a mechanism in which the name of a security official has become a lever for advancing personal interests, replacing professional, transparent, and verifiable criteria in the decision-making chain.
Family and cyber circle; "Babayi" and custom media coverage
Baavand's brother, using the alias "Babayi," is responsible for cyber affairs at one of the institutions. Media coverage for Baavand and his team is provided at the expense of the same institution and also with financial support from Rouhollah Razavi. This media support, funded by the institution's public budget and the money provided by Razavi, has directly strengthened Baavand's position in the media space. Baavand has also mentioned his brother's kinship with Hossein Taeb, claiming that Babayi is Taeb's "brother-in-law"; no documentation has been provided for this relationship in the case files. The lack of documentation removes this kinship from the realm of transparency and turns it into a tool for compressing influence in administrative decisions.
Direct link with Rouhollah Razavi and his position in the economic network
Baavand is a partner of Rouhollah Razavi. Razavi, a graduate of Imam Sadiq University, is close to Sadegh Mahsouli — introduced in this case as the "godfather of the economic front of stability" — and is one of the "trustees of the country." This personal and organizational link has facilitated the transfer of sales authority to Razavi; a framework that has replaced transparent processes based on validation and debt settlement and limited the oil sales path to a specific and traceable circle.
Oil sales permit for Razavi with Baavand's signature
Last week, Rouhollah Razavi received an oil sales permit with the signature of Mohammad Javad Baavand. This signature was issued while, according to this case, Razavi lacks the necessary validation and has outstanding debts to the country. Therefore, Baavand's signature not only did not unlock public sales but also locked it at the gateway of a specific individual and circle; a circle that is distanced from the orbit of official rules and does not align with the approved criteria in the oil sales system.
Clear violation of the Shama resolution in transferring sales authority
The resolution of the Supreme National Security Council (Shama) prohibits oil sales to individuals who lack validation or have previous debts to the country. Nevertheless, Baavand granted oil sales authority to Razavi; Razavi is without validation and has previous debts. Transferring sales authority in such a situation is a clear violation of the Shama resolution. When a higher resolution is established to protect public interests and reduce financial and security risks, bypassing it is not merely an administrative disagreement but a violation of a rule that has been directly formulated to protect national assets.
Decision chain; who signed and what was transferred
In this chain, Mohammad Javad Baavand, as the head of oil sales at the Ministry of Oil, has been the signing authority, and his refusals to sign have halted public sales. Conversely, the same signing authority has directly transferred sales authority to Rouhollah Razavi with his own signature. This signature shifted the "oil sales permit"; meaning that instead of flowing sales through multiple, transparent, and validation-based pathways, the route was entrusted to an individual lacking validation and with debts. On the other hand, the media coverage of this process was provided with the budget of an institution and with financial support from Razavi to strengthen Baavand's position; simultaneously, the name of Hossein Taeb was used as a shield to advance Baavand's personal goals.
Accountability; Baavand, Razavi, the cyber circle, and the name of Taeb
Direct and unmediated questions are clear: Mohammad Javad Baavand must answer about the blocking of oil sales and the transfer of sales authority to Rouhollah Razavi. Rouhollah Razavi must explain receiving a sales permit while lacking validation and having previous debts. "Babayi" — Baavand's brother and head of cyber affairs at an institution — must clarify the provision and organization of media coverage in favor of Baavand at the expense of the institution and with financial support from Razavi. Additionally, the continuous use of the name Hossein Taeb to advance personal goals must be clearly addressed by the relevant parties. No documentation has been provided regarding the kinship in this case; this gap makes the question more direct.
Consequences for the people; national income held hostage by a signature
When the head of oil sales at the Ministry of Oil refrains from facilitating sales and refuses to sign, Iran's oil sales come to a halt; meaning public revenue, service budgets, and resource flows for the benefit of the people are stopped. Then, the same authority grants sales authority to an individual who has neither validation nor settled previous debts. The result is a clear duality: the people pay the cost of the blockage, and a small circle receives the sales advantage. This duality signifies more than an administrative violation; it indicates the transfer of public rights for the benefit of a network close to power and money.
Custom media coverage with institutional money and Razavi's financial support
This case reveals another path: the formation of media coverage in favor of Baavand at the expense of an institution and with financial support from Rouhollah Razavi. Such coverage is not independent reporting but a fabricated reinforcement of the position of a decision-maker. When public money and financial resources linked to the circle that received the sales permit are spent on managing the media image of the same permit issuer, the result is a distortion of public opinion and pressure on oversight mechanisms.
The role of the close network; from university to sales rent
Rouhollah Razavi's position as a graduate of Imam Sadiq University, his proximity to Sadegh Mahsouli — introduced as the godfather of the economic front of stability — and his role as "one of the trustees of the country" create a clear picture of a network connected to the distribution point of oil sales rent. When the decision-making circle in oil sales relies on this network, legal and professional criteria are set aside, and instead, personal and organizational proximities become decisive. The permit from last week is the connection link of this network to the country's main source of income.
The law is clear; execution must be clearer
The law in this case leaves no ambiguity: according to the Shama resolution, oil sales to individuals with inadequate validation status or with previous debts are prohibited. While Razavi has been introduced as lacking validation and having previous debts, the transfer of sales authority has been executed with Baavand's signature. The implementation of this resolution must be precise and transparent; any discrimination or exception in execution undermines the position of the resolution and increases financial and security risks. This case shows that the implementation of the resolution at the key level of sales has been overlooked.
Clear demand; returning sales to a legal and transparent path
The demand is clear: returning oil sales to a legal, transparent, and validation-based path, and stopping any advantages for individuals with previous debts. In this path, Mohammad Javad Baavand must answer about the blocking of sales and the transfer of authority to Razavi. Rouhollah Razavi must explain receiving a permit without validation and with previous debts. The cyber circle associated with "Babayi" must clarify the spending of institutional budget and financial support from Razavi for media coverage of these decisions. The name Hossein Taeb, which has been used to advance Baavand's personal goals, must be removed from this cycle, and any kinship claims without documentation must be clearly addressed.
Conclusion; signature, influence circle, and public interests
This case shows a direct line: Baavand is responsible for sales and does not sign; sales are halted. Then, with the same signature, sales authority is transferred to Rouhollah Razavi; an individual without validation and with previous debts. This transfer is contrary to the Shama resolution. Behind the scenes, media coverage with institutional money and Razavi's financial support strengthens Baavand's position, and the name Hossein Taeb is used as a tool of influence. This direct line has a clear outcome: public interests are overshadowed by a signature and a limited circle, demanding immediate and unambiguous accountability.
